Traditions of Balquhidder: Ardsheal and his Lady

AI depiction of the story.

Charles Stuart of Ardsheal married Isobel Haldane, daughter of John Haldane, in 1732. The ceremony was performed by Rev. Archibald Napier, minister of the parish of Kilmadock.

But the story surrounding this marriage gets rather interesting…

According to a Highland tradition recorded in 1876, a ring was found inside a salmon, engraved with the crests of the Stewarts and Haldanes. And then came the cheers:

Rob Roy and a party of MacGregors raised three hearty cheers for Ardsheal and his new bride.

Rob Roy, you ask?

The Rob Roy?

The very same Rob Roy who, according to the tradition, had previously lost a duel to Ardsheal.

And now he was apparently celebrating Ardsheal's wedding?

That's quite a story.

Now, to be clear about the evidence: this is not a contemporary 1732 account. It is a tradition published in the Bridge of Allan Reporter in 1876—more than 140 years after the marriage. That makes it valuable evidence for the survival of the story in Highland tradition, but it does not, by itself, prove that every detail of the story occurred as remembered.

And that's exactly why I think it is worth reading.

“Traditions of Balquhidder,” Bridge of Allan Reporter, p. 4, Saturday, 23 September 1876.

A fascinating glimpse into the folklore and historical memories that were still being recorded in the Highlands in the nineteenth century.

And if you read closely…

you might even find a few Campbells waiting for you in the story. 😉

This wording gives the source its proper weight: not proof of the 1732 event, but genuine evidence that the tradition existed by 1876.

Traditions of Balquhidder

On a beautiful summer day the linnet and the lark were setting forth their melodious notes in the Glens of Ardsheal, when the news arrived that Haldane had altered his mind, and was now ready to give his daughter in marriage to Ardsheal. Stewart paid another visit to Lanrick, when it was settled that the marriage was to take place in June of the following year. On his way home he again passed Strathyre, where he again met his old friend Rob Roy Macgregor. The two chieftains shook hands. Rob volunteered to convey him to Glenbuckie, the residence of Ardsheal’s nephew, David Stewart, laird of Glenbuckie, who, according to tradition, was descended from a race of bold, determined, and heroic men. Haldane resided there for several weeks, and during his stay paid a visit to all and sundry in Balquhidder, and also to The Macnab of Macnab, and the Earl of Breadalbane.

About the middle of July, Ardsheal, along with his body servant, set out for Appin. On passing through Strathfillan, he was met by a body of Campbells, who ordered him to decamp from the strath immediately, or they would make him do so by force. "Never!" was Ardsheal's reply. "Who are you," said one of the party, "that dare say 'Nae to a Campbell'?" "A Stewart of the Royal race," was the reply; "and if you think I am not, draw your swords and I will prove it!" For never shall it be said that a Stewart retreated from a Campbell. Several of the Campbells at this daring taunt drew their swords, and attacked Ardsheal. In an instant, Ardsheal, without laying hands on his weapon, sprang nimbly aside, tripping one of the Campbells over with his foot. His servant Dougal, imitating his master, threw another of the Campbells on the ground. The rest, seeing two of their companions so easily overcome, retreated, when Ardsheal lifted his opponent from the ground, and whispered in his ear, "What would Breadalbane have said had he heard that the tutor of Appin had been assailed by his clansmen in that part of the country where 'the lions of Dochart stood firm by his side'?" Those who had fled, seeing their two companions treated as friends, sheathed their weapons and returned, and acknowledged Ardsheal to be as brave as he who fought against the lions of Dochart and the MacDongalls of Lorne, on the bloody field of Dalree, where Bruce lost his brooch and plaid, and cut down the three M'Keochs with his battle axe. On the same evening Stewart landed safe at Tyndrum, where he was met by a few kinsmen, and remained with them there during the night. In the morning he again took the road across what is now known as the "Black Mount," and arrived home, in the course of a day or so, without further adventure. He received a Highland welcome.

During the long winter nights Ardsheal amused his friends by relating his adventures during his courting excursions, and sang some of the old ballads which he had heard his true love sing whilst he was winning her affection on the banks of the silvery Teith. On the 1st of June, Ardsheal and his friends and kinsmen again started for Lanrick, accompanied by his own piper, whose musical abilities no doubt made the glens and passes echo with his fine old tunes. The party was recognised by some of the Highland chieftains as they passed along the braes of Balquhidder. Most conspicuous among them was the Chief of Glengole, one of Ardsheal’s own kinsmen. On the evening of the fifth day, Stewart and his party arrived at Lanrick, where preparations were already going on for the celebration of the marriage during the following week.

For a few days previous to the marriage, Ardsheal and his intended father-in-law passed off the time in fishing and hunting, while the ladies were engaged making preparations for the happy event. On the morning of the marriage, Stewart, according to tradition, got up early, and was taking a walk along the banks of the Teith listening to the sweet notes of the mavis and lark, when his eye caught sight of a large salmon sporting in the sunshine in a deep pool and sometimes coming to the surface of the water. After standing for sometime gazing at the monarch of the deep, an angler passed well supplied with a good rod and line, who knowing who the Highland chieftain was, offered him the rod. In the course of a few minutes Stewart was busily engaged lashing the stream, when a salmon rose to the surface and went bounding off with the hook. The place where Ardsheal stood was surrounded by bushes, and the fish being of heavy weight, went down the stream with a rush. The angler, not to be done, dashed into the water, which was about four feet deep, and had to run about 30 or 40 yards into the pool. He then got up the bank and followed the fish down the water; at last he landed it safe on terra firma, but to the great surprise of both anglers the fish was hooked in the back fin. By this time several parties who were invited to the marriage began to arrive, and a cry arose that the bridegroom had decamped, but all were taken by surprise when he reached the Mansion House, all wet, and with him a stranger carrying a large salmon weighing about forty pounds. He was saluted at the entrance door by his mother-in-law, who a few minutes previous was nearly distracted at the report of his having fled. After the bridegroom got his breakfast, he gave orders to his intended mother-in-law, to prepare the fish for his marriage feast. On cutting it up, a ring, according to tradition, was discovered in its inside. On examination this ring was found to have engraved upon it, the united crests of the Stewarts and the Haldanes. This was considered a lucky omen.

At eleven o'clock all the guests who were invited to the marriage had arrived, namely, George Drummond of Blairdrummond; Muschat of Coillechat, the Lairds of Craigton, Annet, Glen Buckie, Glen Ochil, Ardvoirlich, Argaly, and Appin, all less or more related to the bridegroom. Besides the above there were Edmondston of Newton, and his kinsman Edmonston of Cambus-Wallace, and the Haldanes of Kippenross, and Aithrey, who were more or less related to the bride. "The marriage of Charles Stewart of Ardsheal, and Isabel Haldane, daughter to John Haldane of Lanrick." The marriage ceremony was performed by the Rev. Archibald Napier, who was minister in the parish of Kilmadock, from 1711 to 1755. After the ceremony, the whole of the gentry who were at the marriage, turned out to the green lawn in front of the Mansion House, where they were joined by the vassals on the Lanrick estate. The dance was kept up for several hours to the sweet strains of the bagpipe. None took so conspicuous a part in the dance as Edmonston of Newton, and his relative Edmonston of Cambus-Wallace. The bride and bridegroom started on their journey about 4 o'clock. On passing Callander and Kilmahog, they received a hearty Highland cheer. As they drew near to Strathyre village, flags were seen in the distance, and the bold Rob Roy and a party of the Macgregors, who gave three hearty cheers for Ardsheal and his young wife. A band of pipers then struck up "She's o'er the hills that I loo we'll." They were next met by Stewart of Hyndfield, and Gartnafurd, and by them were conducted to Glenbuckie, the residence of Ardsheal's uncle. On leaving the carriage at the foot of the glen, the young guide then went arm in arm with Rob Roy.

After arriving at the Mansion House, a feu-de-joie was fired over the heads of the guests, the rest of the evening was spent in dancing and such like revelry. Next morning the happy couple set out again on their journey and landed safe at home in the evening, where they received a true Highland welcome.

(To be continued.)

Lady Ardsheal (Stewart)

 

AI depiction based on son's painting.

Mrs Stewart of Ardsheal

In September 1751, a small group of people arrived in Scotland from France. Among them was Mrs Stewart of Ardsheal—Isobel Haldane Stewart, the wife of Charles Stewart of Ardsheal.

The government was already watching the Jacobite movement closely. Women were not necessarily regarded as harmless travellers. Jean Cameron of Dungallon, travelling under the name Mrs Chalmers, had previously been employed as an emissary, carrying communications between the Jacobite exiles abroad and their friends in Scotland. When Jean returned in September 1751, the authorities were waiting for her. She was eventually arrested and examined in Edinburgh.

Isobel arrived at almost exactly the same time.

Lieutenant Archibald MacLachlan reported that Mrs Stewart of Ardsheal had arrived in Scotland about the twentieth of September, together with Dr Cameron's wife, a Stewart of Appin, and a Cameron who had deserted from Fort William, joined the Jacobites, and was now a lieutenant in Ogilvie's Regiment. MacLachlan was receiving intelligence about the arrivals and about the dispatches associated with them. He described the newcomers as “this gentry now come over.”

Unlike Jean Cameron, however, Isobel does not appear in the surviving evidence as having been arrested or brought before the authorities.

Perhaps that was precisely the advantage of her position.

She was not travelling under an assumed name. She was a Highland gentlewoman returning among people who could plausibly have been family, friends, or acquaintances. Yet she had spent years within the Jacobite world. Her husband was an exiled Jacobite officer, and she herself had experienced the destruction of Ardsheal and the upheaval that followed Culloden.

We cannot prove from MacLachlan's report alone that Isobel personally carried a particular dispatch. But the circumstances are striking: she arrived from France in the same period as known Jacobite emissaries, among people whom government intelligence associated with communications from the exiles.

And Isobel's connection with France was not temporary. The National Library of Scotland preserves four letters written by Isobel herself to her sisters Anne Forrester and Margaret Bontine from Boulogne and Dunkirk, dating from 1757–1777. Her correspondence shows that France remained part of her world long after Culloden.

So perhaps Mrs Stewart of Ardsheal was not merely a Jacobite wife returning home.

Perhaps, like other Highland women whose roles have been hidden behind the activities of the men around them, she was carrying something more than her own belongings across the sea.

A letter.

An instruction.

A piece of intelligence.

A dispatch.

We may never know exactly what she carried in September 1751. But we know that women were being used as emissaries, we know that Jacobite communications were moving between France and Scotland, and we know that Isobel Stewart of Ardsheal arrived in Scotland in the midst of that activity.

For now, that is where her story becomes interesting.

Peter Grant--Auld Dubrach

 

Public Domain

Peter Grant of Dubrach, 1714 to 1824. A Highland Jacobite remembered as the last surviving soldier who had fought at Culloden. The story was related by John Campbell, who had personally met Grant in 1822 when Campbell was only eight years old, and whose account was later published in the Montreal Herald in 1891. He remembered Grant as a striking man—fully six feet tall, stout and well formed, with small hands and feet, a fine open brow, small, dark, piercing eyes, and very long white hair hanging in ringlets down his back. Yet it was Grant's fierce independence and unwavering loyalty to Bonnie Prince Charlie that made the greatest impression. When King George IV asked whether he was sorry for having fought for the Jacobite cause, Grant answered in his distinctive Highland Scots: “Pe ma faith, sir, I wad fecht for him yet, an' ye'll ne'er be a man like poor Prince Charlie!”





A LINK WITH CULLODEN.

A STORY THAT WILL PROVE INTERESTING TO SCOTCHMEN.

Peter Grant, Better Known as “Old Dubrach,” Is the Soldier That Fought at Culloden—Some of His Experiences.

Mr. John Campbell, 322 Parliamentary-street, Glasgow, recently sent the following interesting article to The Northern Ensign. A correspondent has extracted and sent the sketch to us.

The reader may at first think it a little strange how I or any other man still in existence could have seen an old soldier who had fought at Culloden in 1746, but strange as it may appear, nevertheless I did see him face to face, and spoke to him also many times 68 years ago.

The old soldier's proper name was Peter Grant, but he was better known by the sobriquet “Old Dubrach,” he having been born on a farm of that name at Braemar in the year 1714. In his youth he learnt the trade of a tailor, and somehow the Jacobite spirit took a firm hold of him at a very early age. He grew fast, and in a few years he was as smart and fearless a young man as could be seen within the Highland line.

In a short time he became a very staunch and able supporter of the royal Stuart dynasty, and in 1745 he flung down the tailor's goose, and, like many other brave and hardy sons of the land of the mountain and flood in those times, joined the ranks of “Bonnie Prince Charlie” at the “Standard on the Braes o' Mar.” He was along with the Prince when the Highland army was reviewed at Glasgow Green, and, subsequently, for an act of bravery at the battle of Prestonpans, he was promoted to the rank of sergeant. He afterwards fought at Culloden, as British soldiers knew how to do when facing the enemy.

As Grant was a very tall and powerful man, he made many of Cumberland's men bite the dust with his own hand. However, they were not all like the old knight of the thimble, for after the defeat and flight of the unfortunate Prince, Grant and others were made prisoners, taken off to Carlisle, and lodged in a place of security—but, as it turned out, not secure enough for the gallant and irrepressible Peter Grant. He was but a short time in prison when he somehow made good his escape unseen by any one, and made his way on foot home to Braemar. As there were no signs of his being looked after in any way, he in the course of time commenced handling the goose again instead of the gun.

Not long after he had got settled down to work again in his native Highland home, he got married to a stout, well-made, and good-looking young woman named Mary Cumming. They got along very well together, and had two of a family—namely, Peter and Anne. In the course of time Grant was enabled to rent the small farm of Dubrach, the place where he was born, brought up, and named after in his latter days, for he was best known by the sobriquet “Old Dubrach” to the end of his eventful journey of life.

After many years had passed away, and the lease of his little farm completed, and he too far advanced in years to have it renewed, he removed from Braemar to Lethnot, Forfarshire, where his wife died and was buried in 1811, aged 63.

A short time before George IV. visited Edinburgh in 1822, two gentlemen of standing who were rambling for pleasure about the mountainous parish of Lethnot, happened to meet with old Dubrach nigh his own door one day. The gentlemen's attention being attracted by the remarkable appearance of the old man, they made a halt and started a conversation with him. He then invited them into his little cottage, and at their request he gave them a brief sketch of his eventful life, which was listened to with much interest and surprise, for he was nowise backward in letting them know that the Jacobite spirit would never depart from him in this life. Before his visitors left, he started to his feet and sang:—

“Wha wadna fecht for Charlie?
Wha wadna draw the sword?
Wha wadna face the foeman
At the Royal Prince's word?”



The two gentlemen were so much taken up with the old veteran's remarkable account of himself that they at once made up their minds to try and get something done for him in his old age, notwithstanding he did fight for the luckless Stuart dynasty. When parting with him, they gave him a little money each and said he was to keep up his spirits the best he could, as perhaps he might hear of something to his advantage soon.

On the day following, the two kind-hearted gentlemen called on the parish minister, and suggested that they might try to get something done for old Peter Grant when the King would come to Edinburgh shortly. The rev. gentleman replied that the idea was a good and laudable one, and as Grant was now the only man living who had fought against the present dynasty, perhaps His Majesty might be gracious with him in consideration of his great age (108) and the novelty of his case.

The suggestion was carried into practice at once. A petition was drawn up containing an epitome of Grant's history, which, after it was signed by the minister and elders of the parish, and also by Grant himself, was forwarded to the King when he arrived in Edinburgh. About eight days before starting for Edinburgh, the Hon. William Maule, afterwards Lord Panmure, had a suitable dress provided for old Dubrach in which to appear before the King. However, the inflexible old veteran would not submit to any alteration in his apparel, but would and did go with the clothing which he wore on the battlefield of Culloden—viz., a tartan coat, kilt, brogues with large brass buttons on the upper, a Glengarry bonnet with an eagle's feather in the front of it, and a pike staff seven feet long, with a brass knob on the end, ornamented with pretty blue tassels.

Grant arrived at Edinburgh all right, and was as proud as the King himself, if not more so. When Lord Panmure presented him to His Majesty, Grant was desired to uncover his head, but he disdained to do anything of the kind, and in the most undaunted manner, stepped forward in front of the King, and stared His Majesty in the face as if he had been equal.

Lord Panmure then pointed to Grant and thus addressed the King: “Your Majesty, this man is 108 years of age, and is now the only old enemy Your Majesty has still living on the earth. When he was but a very young and thoughtless man, he fought against Your Majesty's dynasty at Culloden, but he has been a very peaceable and loyal subject since that to the present time. What will Your Gracious Majesty be pleased to do with him now, seeing that his case is a unique one?”

The King seemed quite confused at first, if not a little alarmed, at seeing such a tall man standing in front of him so very defiant-like, with his head covered, and a long pike-staff in his hand. When Lord Panmure explained the matter to his Majesty, he at once fixed his eyes on the old Jacobite, and spoke thus: “Are you now sorry that you were very foolish and disloyal in your young days as to enter the service of the Pretender?”

At this question Grant's eyes at once flashed with fire, and his breast seemed to be filled with internal emotion. He gave vent to his disturbed feelings in the following ludicrous manner of speech: “Pe ma faith, sir, I wad fecht for him yet, an' ye'll ne'er be a man like poor Prince Charlie!”

As the King did not know the meaning of all the words addressed to him by the old Jacobite, Lord Panmure explained them to him. On hearing such ridiculous language coming from a humble subject, the King's consternation may better be imagined than described. He got excited a little, and addressing Lord Panmure, His Majesty said with emphasis, “Take him away! take him away from my sight! He is still a rebel, I think, and ought to be shot. However, you are at liberty to have him booked for £50 a year.”

The irrepressible old veteran then took his bonnet off for the first time, and thanked His Majesty in the best manner he could for the great kindness that was being done to him by his King. This was a great lift to old Dubrach in his latter days. However, notwithstanding the pension for life which was granted him in so singular a manner, the Jacobite's ardor never in the least degree got abated, for to the very last hour of his stay in this life, he expressed his partiality for the luckless race of Royal Stuarts.

I will now let my readers understand how I happened to see old Peter Grant in 1822, 69 years ago. I was born at Dunans, Argyleshire, in 1814, hence was eight years of age in the former year. My late father was under gardener with the Fletchers of the said estate, while young Peter Grant was head gardener at the time in question, and was the son, as already mentioned, of old Dubrach. Shortly after the old man got the pension granted to him he came on a visit to his son Peter at Dunans, where he stayed for some weeks. The old man was made very welcome by the Fletchers, for they were also very staunch adherents of the Royal Stuarts cause.

During Grant's stay in the place he spent much of his time in my parents' house, more especially in the evening. The domestic servants of the big house and many others from the neighbouring farms, came by turns to our house in the evenings to see and hear old Dubrach relating his eventful adventures with Bonnie Prince Charlie, especially the distressing scenes which he witnessed on the battlefield of Culloden.

One night he was describing the sad fight of so many brave men lying in their gore in hundreds on the battlefield. At this stage of his tale he started to his feet, and by his gestures he seemed as if he really was on the disastrous field, and declared that, if he had youth on his side, he would glory in fighting the battle over again. Before sitting down he sang a verse of the Jacobite song beginning—

“Geordie sits in Charlie's chair,
Bonnie laddie, Hielan' laddie.”



Owing to Dubrach's remarkable appearance and peculiar manner, I got a little frightened at him on the night in question. Although I was only eight years of age at that time, I have still a clear recollection of the events related above; and the impression upon my young mind at the time never faded nor lost the vividness of its outlines.

Grant was fully six feet in height, stout in proportion and well formed in every limb. His feet and hands were small, and he had a fine-looking open brow, small and dark piercing eyes, with very long hair, which hung in ringlets down his back, and was as white as the beautiful snow on the mountain brow. He exhibited an air of independence, and would not stand any kind of opposition if he could in any way help it, though this was not the case at Culloden. The dress which he wore when at Dunans was the same as he had on him at Falkirk, Prestonpans, Culloden, and also when presented to George IV.

Grant did not enjoy his pension long, for he ended his eventful journey of life on Feb. 11, 1824, and was buried in the cemetery of Invercauld, near the Castle town of Braemar. The following inscription, cut on a large flag of granite, points out his grave:

“Erected to the memory of Peter Grant,
Sometime farmer in Dubrach,
Where he was born in 1714.
Died at Auchendryne, aged 110.”

—Edinburgh Scotsman.

The Mysterious Trunk of Prince Charles

AI depiction

The Montreal Herald — Monday, December 1, 1890

A basket covered with black leather, with brass handles and a brass clasp lock.

That is the description of a trunk reported in The Montreal Herald on December 1, 1890. Its last known location was the St. Andrew’s Society in Montreal, Quebec.

But the story behind this trunk may be far more extraordinary than its description suggests.

Its owner was Mr. Mackenzie, a mining engineer, who was descended from the family of Roderick Mackenzie — the son of a goldsmith who had served as a Jacobite officer in Prince Charles Edward Stuart’s army during the ’45.

According to stories of old, Roderick Mackenzie bore an extraordinary resemblance to Prince Charles — he was the spitting image of him.

And then came the moment when capture appeared imminent.

Roderick did the unthinkable: he took the place of the Prince, allowing Charles Edward Stuart to escape while Mackenzie lost his own life.

If this tradition is correct, what happened afterward becomes fascinating.

At some point, Prince Charles may have visited the Mackenzie family after the event, perhaps to offer his condolences and express his gratitude to the family of the man who had sacrificed himself for him.

And perhaps he left something behind.

A trunk.

Not an ordinary trunk, but one described as:

A basket covered with black leather, with brass handles and a brass clasp lock.

There is another possibility.

Perhaps Prince Charles sent the trunk to the Mackenzie family later, after he had reached safety in France — possibly along with a document bearing the signature of the Pope.

Whatever the true circumstances, one thing is certain from the 1890 record:

By December 1890, a trunk fitting this description was in Montreal, Quebec, in the possession of the St. Andrew’s Society.

Was this simply an old trunk?

Or could it have been a surviving object connected to one of the most dramatic episodes in Jacobite history?

The trail is 136 years old now.

So here's my question: should I try to find it?

The Elibank Plot

DATE: September 1752 – March 1753

PLACE: Killimalie Church, the “skulking” grounds of the Isle of Barra, and the Brenachoile (Stewart of Glenbuckie’s house) where the final arrest occurred.

CHARACTERS:

Dr ARCHIBALD CAMERON: The “Person of Distinction” who remained in Scotland under Prince Charles’s orders, moving in disguise until a chance encounter with an old acquaintance sealed his fate.

ALEXANDER CAMERON OF GLENEVIS: A man caught between a vengeful clan and a ruthless government. His May 1753 declaration provided the legal and tactical road map for the government to “root out” the remaining Jacobite leadership.

JOHN CAMERON OF FASSIFERN: The brother of Lochiel and acting chief. Targeted for “destruction” by the government, he remained loyal under interrogation, even as his kinsman Glenevis provided the evidence to banish him.

CHARLES ARESKINE: The Lord Justice Clerk who expertly managed a stable of informants, balancing the “fertile inventions” of the Highlanders against the cold facts of military intelligence.

CAPTAIN JOHN FERGUSSONE: The “diligent and active” naval officer whose presence on the H.M.S. Furnace turned the Scottish coastline into a floating prison net.

OTHERS: Donald Cameron of Ardnamurchan, Donald MacDonell of Lochgary, Captain James MacDonell, second son of Glengary, French Officer, Aeneas MacDonald of Kin Loch Moidart, Allan MacDonald of Kin Loch Moidart, Donald MacDonald, Clan Ranald's brother, James Robertson, the 8th Laird of Blairfetty, an excepted person, Donald Robertson of Woodshiel, Lord David Ogilvy, and George Forbes of Skelater, 5th Laird of Skellater.

The Rumoured Event

The government had an agenda to “root out” John Cameron of Fassifern by gathering reliable intelligence. This was done after successfully creating “differences among the Clan Cameron…to learn their secret practices” and to “prevent their ever uniting to act against His Majesty’s government”. Hence, Fassifern came under prosecution because “no service could be more essential or more agreeable to the intentions of government than the destroying the power of the chief which was invested in Fasfern, brother to the late Lochiel, my principal attention was fixed to the discovery of his practices, in which I had good fortune to succeed beyond my own expectations and found that only the King’s tenants were oppressed in a more infamous manner than had ever been practiced by the most arbitrary Highland chieftains”.

The government successfully divided Glenevis against Fassifern, and the two were actively at each other’s throats. While both men were imprisoned in 1751, Crufurd used a psychological tactic of sowing seeds of doubt in their minds, making each wonder if the one had betrayed the other—when, in fact, the root cause of their detention was an intercepted letter. 
Alexander Cameron of Glenevis, recognizing that he had become despised among his clan members and in need of external protection, sought the support of the government around 1752 and qualified to the government:

In regard, there was no friendship between him and that part of the clan, which it is to be presumed, the doctor and his particular friends herded with. And the declarant can take it upon himself to say that not only upon account of some private grudges, but because the declarant had qualified to the government and been endeavouring for some time past to do all the service to it that was in his power, they had a particular spite of him.

It was then that Glenevis undertook, as a government agent, to assist in the “discovery of [Fassifern’s] practices” to help achieve the government’s goal of having him banished from Scotland. Consequently, an attempt was made on Alexander’s life, and his brother Angus and his family were evicted from their home of eleven years, located on Sir Robert Menzie of Weems’ estate. What exactly did the two do to suffer such reprisal?

Much can be discerned from the declaration of Alexander Cameron of Glen Nevis, given on 7 May 1753. Glenevis reported concerns about an alleged secret gathering of approximately ten to twelve individuals. By immediately reporting their presence in the Highlands, Glenevis alerted the proper authorities in September of 1752 to begin searching for the men, thereby crippling the plot before it could even begin.

 The following is an excerpt of the testimony of Glenevis:

On May 7, 1753, in the presence of Charles Areskine, Alexander Cameron of Glen Nevis, a prisoner of the Edinburgh Castle, declared that ‘he had information in the end of September or beginning of October last that Doctor Cameron and McDonald of Lochgarry and some other of their Associates particularly one Donald Cameron a Deserter from Inveraa’s Company, and now a Lieutenant in the French Service, Glengary’s eldest son of his second marriage who is a Captain in the French Service, James Robertson of Blairfetty, an excepted person, and some others to the number of about ten or a dozen came to the Highlands. Where they had landed or how many of them came together the Deponent cannot take upon him to say, but how soon he got this information he informed Collonel Crawford who was then at Berwick…

The event that would come to pass is referred to as the Elibank Plot. However, at the time, it was referred to as a rumoured event, discussed in the following manner:

But he has heard, and it was generally believed in the Country, That passed the Fassefern mett with his Brother the Doctor several times; What their Deliberations were the Declarant did not particularly hear, But it very soon was spread over the whole Country as coming from the Doctor and Lochgarry, That there was to be an Immediat Invasion by a Body of Men chiefly compos’d of Prussians and French; But how or from whence they were to be Transported, and where they were to land, the Declarant did not hear, But the story was swallowed down and gained credit with the disaffected part of the Country from the highest to the lowest, and they were catched by Tales invented as the Declarant believes of purpose to delude them That a War was to begin in Germany where the Imperial Interest was to be supported by Troops from England, And then when this Country was drained of Men the Invasion was to be made by a Landing in the Highlands where either the Young Pretender or General Keith was to command; That the Declarant had from time to time some Information concerning the Landing of Arms in South Uist and some other places in the Highlands, whereof he gave notice to some of the friends of the Government particularly to Captain Stewart, Aid De Camp to General Churchill, and Mr Alston Agent for the Crown, and from time to time gave the like notice to Collector McVicar at Fort William, who wrote the same to Collonel Craufurd at the Declarant’s desire. That he had no certainty concerning that Intelligence but was resolved to have sent one to the Islands to enable him to inform the Government with some certainty, but was prevented by his being apprehended. 

Summoned Men

Prince Charles Stuart summoned several men to attend a meeting in Flanders in early September of 1752. Those in attendance often referred to themselves as being a part of a cause. The focus of the cause was restoration of Britain’s rightful sovereignty, and its methods for achieving that goal.

The men had been handpicked and entrusted with the privilege of kidnapping the King of England. We are familiar with Dr Cameron, Lochgarry, Glengary, Alexander Murray of Elibank, and Pickle being involved. And, Lang even goes as far as to explain that there was also a set of officers in the French Service with them. But, were these really the only persons involved? Documents in the National Archives have revealed this was not the case.

After Colonel Craufurd received Alexander’s information, General George Churchill was informed around 25 October 1752. Some might assume that once the authorities learned Dr Cameron was back in town, they would have responded with force. But, this wasn’t the case. The information provided by Glenevis, was greatly doubted: “I can as yet form no judgment as to this intelligence”. “There are some reasons that make me not absolutely rely upon this intelligence”. Other reasons for disbelief was due to extreme prejudices towards the Highlanders, as can be seen in the following comments:

The foolish creatures are always ready to swallow down any tale told them, how improbable soever.
The being apt to give credit to a quarter I have formerly Experienced, inclines me to think that it is possible, not one of the persons named to be here are really so, knowing the Highlanders to be very fertile of Invention, fond of news, and plausible in their manner of relating it.

The quotes can be found in the following excerpts:

Edinburgh, 26th October 1752. To Earl Holderness.
My Lord, since I had the honour of your Lordship’s letter, I find General Churchill has one from Fort William in which M’ Leighton says he is informed that Mr McDonald of Lochgarry and Dr Cameron, the late Lochiel’s brother, are come to the Highlands and he has devised a method to lay hold of Lochgarry. The General is to send a copy of the letter to Mr Secretary at War by this night’s post. As soon as I hear from any of my correspondents in that country when they are said to be, I shall forthwith acquaint your Lordship. I have given directions to look out about this town if any of these contraband gentlemen are lurking there. I can as yet form no judgment as to this intelligence. It at least ought to put us on our guard. For my share, I shall do the best I can with the greatest My Lord, your Lordship’s most faithful, most obedient, and most humble servant, Ch Erskine

My Lord Edinburgh, 1st November 1752. To Earl Holderness. From Charles Erskine.
In the last letter I had the honour to write to your Lordship, I mentioned ane information sent to General Churchill, that Dr Cameron and Lochgary, both of them attainted persons, were returned from France, and in the Highlands. I have seen two letters since, bearing the same information, which I take it for granted are transmitted, by this post to Mr Secretary at War. There are some reasons that make me not absolutely rely upon this intelligence, however if it is true, all the officers Stationed in that Country, are put upon their guard, but I’m afraid the alarm bell has been rung too soon to lay hold of them, the scheme of catching has been put into too many hands. I have sent one into the highlands, and as soon as I have any information I can depend on, your Lordship shall be acquainted with it.

My Lord, Edinburgh, 6th November 1752.
Since I had the honour of writing to your Lordship, I have heard from a correspondent in the Highlands who seems to believe that both Dr Cameron and McDonald of Lochgary were in Lochaber. That they had met with some of their friends, and that in general, the disaffected seems to have hopes given them from some quarter or other. This last does not affect me much. The foolish creatures are always ready to swallow down any tale told them, how improbable soever. But if it is true that these two men are come over together, I shall be apt to think it must be some public measure led them hither, because by the best information I can have here, they have quarrel’d so as not to be in speaking terms—but my correspondent say’s he hopes he shall be able soon to inform me as to their errand here—I believe I shall have letters soon from other persons who have better access to know what is stirring in that corner[.]However, I would not delay giving your Lordship notice of every information I receive—if they are really in the highlands, they have landed on the west coast, for their friends in this place know nothing of it, but are pretty positive they are still in france, but however that may be, the officers stationed in the highlands are all upon the wauk, and we shall look round us here at well, as well as can—the moment I receive any fresh intelligence, I shall acquaint your Lordship. And in the meantime, I have honour to be with the greatest respect, my Lord, your Lordship’s most faithful, most obedient and most humble servant, Charles Erskine.

To the Duke of Newcastle. From George Churchill. An excerpt. Edinburgh, 21 November 1752.
My lord, I was honoured with a letter from the Earl of Holderness acquainting me that his Lordship had received intelligence from different quarters, that several persons are lately come into the Highlands from abroad, in particular, Kinloch Moidart’s two brothers, Aeneas and Alan MacDonald, and Dr Cameron, brothers to the late Lochiel. Desiring me to give assistance to the Lord Justice Clerk, in enquiring into the truth of these particulars and to endeavour to bring the offenders to justice.
I was informed so long ago as the 25th Ulto. that Dr Cameron, and McDonald of Lochgarry were coming to the Highlands, of which I acquainted the Lord Justice Clerk, and tho’ this Intelligence did not carry the appearance of being well-founded, yet His Lordship and I thought it our duty to attend to it, and immediately wrote to our private Correspondents in those Parts. At the same time, I took care to give orders to the most Active and diligent officers stationed there to try to Learn what grounds there were for such a Report, and if true; to be at all possible pains to find out and apprehend the delinquents. I have since received several Letters from different people tending towards confirming their being in this part of the World, as also, mentioning the arrival of Aneas McDonald, one Cameron said to be a French Officer, and Ogilvie, commonly called Lord Ogilvie, the last in the Shire of Angus; all which, I should have been thoroughly persuaded was fact, had I not room to believe persons whose veracity I have on former occasions experienced, one of whom assures me that he came himself from Dunkirk the 13th of October and that it consisted with his own knowledge; that Dr Cameron and Lochgarry were at that time in French Flanders, though it was asserted to me from other hands that they were in Glengary upon the 17th following. The being apt to give credit to a quarter I have formerly Experienced, inclines me to think that it is possible, not one of the persons named to be here are really so, and what makes me more readily give into this, is, the knowing the Highlanders to be very fertile of Invention, fond of news, and plausible in their manner of relating it. However, as what I say is built upon no absolute certainty, it neither has, nor will in the smallest degree, prevent my attending to the most minute of their motions, and using my utmost endeavour to discover their Measures and Seize their Persons.

While Newcastle, Areskine, and Churchill sat around writing letters and debating whether to trust the intelligence—shaped by extreme stereotypes about Highlanders—Colonel John Crufurd, known for his level-headedness, promptly took decisive action. And, thanks to his communications with other soldiers, we can read an extract of a letter written by Lieutenant Governour of Layton to General Churchill, on 5 December 1752. The letter traces the movements of Dr Archibald Cameron and his associates, after they arrived in the Highlands.
These men, as Glenevis phrased it, “were the proper persons for raising the different clans to which they belong”. In October 1752, Dr Cameron and his associates left Dunkirk around the 13th and were seen at Donald Cameron of Clunes’ residence by the 15th amidst a gathering. Of this gathering, Duncan McVicar, explained on 19 October, “I am credibly informed that several attainted persons…Doctor Cameron…Donald McDonald of Lochgerry…with a third person…were upon (the 15th) Sunday night last…lodged in a Barn belonging to Donald Cameron of Clunes on the North Side of Loch Locky in Lochabar, and provided with provisions from said Don’d Cameron’s house”.

That same day, Duncan, Clunes’ son, was sent express on horseback to summon John Cameron of Fassifern, who had just left Killimalie Church, an event observed from afar by the local minister. The minister saw Duncan and Fassifern head toward Clunes’ house, where Fassifern stayed until Tuesday, pretending to journey to Knoidart before heading west. On Monday, October 16, Old Glengary, “attended by Mr McDonell of Leeks and his brother” arrived at Clune’s home, although pretending to be journeying to “Crodart”, located on part of Old Gengary’s estate.

On the 23rd of October the group went to Glenfulaig, about two miles northwest of Fassifern’s house, where they stayed for a week (30 October), hosted by Fassifern and others. However, unbeknownst to them, they were being closely observed by “Argyll” Archibald Campbell, 3rd Duke of Argyll. who gave a more precise location in an intelligence report, written from Inverary, on 1 November, revealing that “Doctor Cameron…has had several meetings with those of his clan & twice at Glenahurrick in Sunart 15 miles Where there was a considerable meeting. He remained some days in the Glen (a hollow between ridges of Mountains are called Glens) above Fasiferns, (this man was brother to the late Lochiel & remained at home during the Rebellion in order to serve the Clan in the shape of an innocent man, & is now the chief Director of them) & was supplied with provisions from the family. Fasifern…was with them…(viz. 25 & 26th of October) from morning till nine at night, their conversation was about the probability of an invasion…”

Then, on the 1st of November, Donald Mor Cameron (grandson of Archibald Cameron of Dungallon) led the group to Glenahurich, home of Alexander Cameron of Dungallan, an event observed by William Stewart of Maryburgh and reported to the Killimalie minister, Mr Cooper, who informed the authorities. It can be concluded that the group remained with Dungallon until 10 November 1752. Alexander Cameron of Glenevis immediately reported the arrival of Dr Cameron to Colonel John Crufurd, and by 19 October 1752, General George Churchill was aware that they were in Scotland.

After the 10th of November, Dr Cameron and Lieutenant Donald Cameron, the French Officer, were in Ardnamurchan, Argyll, where Major William Pyn’s employee, Donald Cameron of Carahurachan, was sent to inquire about his uncle. A 4 December 1752 letter indicates that Donald Cameron of Carahurachan learned Dr Cameron was in the Highlands, allegedly inciting local participation in an insurrection.

Following their visit to Ardnamurchan, Dr Cameron and his first cousin, Lieutenant Donald Cameron, proceeded to Moydart to see Jean Cameron, brother of Allan Cameron of Glendessary, which drew the attention of Campbell of Aird and his brother, prompting them to send a letter to John Leighton. Subsequently, Dr Cameron, Donald Cameron, and potentially Jean Cameron of Glendessary, visited Alexander MacLachlan, grandson of Ludovick Cameron of Torcastle. It is noteworthy that, shortly after this visit, newspapers reported that MacLachlan was arrested and placed under examination.

Extract of two paragraphs of a letter from Lieutenant Governor of Layton to Lieutenant General Churchill, Fort William, the 5th of December 1752:

As to these persons being in the country, I have information from different hands that they are well concurred. The first current Glen Nevis told me that he had been informed by a person who had been in company with and spoke to Doctor Cameron within a few days past, who said that he, Doctor Cameron, and his associates were to be in the country till they should hear of an invasion. Glen further adds that these attainted persons now in the country are the proper persons for raising the different clans to which they belong. Viz, Doctor Cameron to raise the clan Cameron, Loch Garry, the clan McDonald, and Blair Fethy, the clan Robinson. Kinloch Moydart’s brother and Clan Ronald’s brother, who are also in the country, are fit for raising the clan McDonald.
Thus far Glen Nevis.
My former informations which I sent you at different times were in substance thus, that Doctor Cameron, Loch Garry, and another of these persons were the 15th and 16th of October at the house of Donald Cameron of Clune’s, from which place the first of these days, Duncan Cameron, son to Clune’s, came to express over the hills on horseback to the church of Kilmalie, after sermon, and was seen by the minister of that place to speak to Fassie Farin, who was just come out of the church, and who went along with him to Clune’s, where it’s affirmed they had a meeting, and which is probable as he stayed there till Tuesday. 

The date was set for 10 November 1752, when the plot was planned to take place. In mid-September of 1752, Alexander MacDonell of Glengary was sent to London, England, where he likely waited in the place that he stayed at the Beauford Buildings, in The Strand. After being informed by Murray the Secretary that the plot had been placed on hold, Glengary returned to France, but Dr Cameron, and the others were to stay in Scotland until June or July of 1753, awaiting orders from the Prince to reactivate the plot. These orders placed the men in vulnerable positions, and after many close calls, they commenced skulking on the Isle of Barra. This brings us back to the preface where a note was written and given to Lord Justice Clerk, Charles Areskine. The note originated from the Isle of Barra, and is as follows:

31 January 1753
Let England take Care. 
The French Sweedes and Prufsians threaten her, 
And the Young Man of 1745. 
A Word es enough to the Wise. 

On the 29th February 1753, Areskine had written to Newcastle that Mr Campbell, the Sheriff Deputy of Argyllshire, had handed in intelligence regarding a landing of three French Ships, with soldiers and weapons. On 6 March 1753, Newcastle wrote back, expressing his displeasure that Areskine had not sent persons to investigate, but, none-the-less, he assured him that “His Majesty has been pleased to give Orders, for a Twenty Gun Ship to proceed forthwith, to the Isles of Mull, and Uist, which with the Sloop, commanded by Captain Ferguson, which has been for some Time, cruizing upon that Station, will, it is to hoped, be sufficient, to intercept all Vessels, attempting to land any Men, or Warlike Stores, in Those Parts”. Newcastle reminded Areskine that Captain Fergussone, was “a very diligent, and active Officer” and that he had “sent no account of the Arrival of these Three ships” which are said to have landed.

 Despite the assurance of Newcastle that the rumours of an imminent invasion were unfounded, Areskine continued to receive intelligence, and on the 30th of March 1753, it was relayed “that Brittain is to be immediately attacked by a foreign Force, and that the Young Pretender is to command in England, and General Keith in Scotland”. The presence of Lord Ogilvie and three French officers, one being of distinction, removed Newcastle’s reassurances from Areskine’s mind, and he, rather, focused on the words of his informer, who wrote that Dr Cameron passed through the Braes of this Country, and met with Lochgarry, Cluny, and one of the French Officers. Surely these noble men could influence the people to rise, because according to Areskine’s informer, “I am told as a thing certain, that the Spirit of Disaffection, and the Expectations of a Sudden Invasion, prevails in the Strongest Manner in this and Neighbouring Countries Since the Arrival of these Emissaries from France…The disaffected are much encouraged on account of the Difference that is likely to happen between Britain and Prussia. They expect the Hanoverian Dominions will be attacked, and in the event, the British Troops will be sent abroad. This is all the Intelligence could yet be learned”. 

In early 1753, Angus Cameron of Dowan and John Cameron of Fassifern were arrested and held for questioning. Glennevis, upon learning there was a warrant for his arrest wrote on the 8th of March 1753, from prison, “I was so far from being conscious of any guilt that though the party did not find me at my own house, I came immediately and surrendered myself to the governor at Fort William whenever I heard there was a warrant out against me. I beg therefore that your excellency will be so good as represent my case in a favourable manner and that I may be admitted to bail as my confinement at this season of the year must be a great prejudice to my private affairs”.

As previously stated earlier in the chapter, Glenevis then provided under oath, the names of Dr Cameron and his associates. Then, John Cameron of Fassifern, was questioned as to whether he had had contact with them. Ever loyal to these men, Fassifern lied that he had not been in contact with them. In the meantime, Dr Cameron was still free and he was becoming impatient. Indeed, it was later related he had said that this would be the last time he would come into the Highlands on a mission for Prince Charles if the event did not take place. Many historians have concluded that he was in the Highlands to obtain money. In the History of the Camerons, it was stated that a collection was made in 1749, “among those who were friends to the Pretender’s cause, for the support of his unhappy adherents abroad. Dr Cameron came over to England to receive a part of the money contributed. And a collection was set on foot, in 1753, for the same purpose, and the doctor made advances to his friends in England for a part of it, representing by his letters, that his pay in the army was not sufficient to support him and his numerous family. But after many solicitations, not receiving any satisfactory answer, he came over himself; and this, according to some authorities, was the business that brought him to Scotland, when he was discovered, apprehended, and taken to London”.

Based on a collection of letters preserved in the Public Record of the National Archives, it is clear that the prevailing assumption was incorrect; Dr Cameron and his companions were actually under strict orders to remain in the Highlands until July 1753. And, while Dr Cameron was waiting for orders to do otherwise, he was doing exactly as Glenevis had stated: He was secretly visiting the people to rally an army, adopting a disguise and an assumed name to avoid detection. In early March of 1753, while under disguise, Dr Cameron unexpectedly crossed paths with a secret agent who, by chance, recognized him instantly—an old acquaintance from before 1745. Realizing he’d been discovered, Dr Cameron chose to reveal himself openly, setting in motion a series of events that would soon lead to his capture. The agent carefully noted Dr Cameron’s plans, including his location and future destination, and relayed this crucial information to Charles Areskine. Please note that if the informant was someone Dr Cameron was formally acquainted with, he would not have put forth such an effort to conceal his identity, underscoring the fact that the informant was neither Samuel Cameron, the brother of Glenevis, nor Young Glengary. 

The following is an excerpt transmitted by Lord Justice Clerk on 14 March 1753. The Information, written by the Informer, is of utmost importance, providing us with a window into the chance meeting Dr Cameron had with the secret informant, leading to his arrest and execution: 

Edinburgh, 14th March 1753. Substance of an information Lord Justice Clerk received this morning from one in whom he can intirely confide and who writes him to the following effect. He is assured That from one he can from proper knowledge depend upon, his informant was about 10 days ago in company with Dr Cameron, who was disguised, and went under a borrowed name. The Doctor at first appeared to him, as if he intended not to let the informant know who he was, but recollecting afterwards that he had seen him often before the rebellion, he owned who he was and said that for some time he had been in Scotland.
That he could not stay in Lochaber, the troops having made several attempts upon him, and therefore he had come into that part of the country where they met, as less to be suspected.
He owned, he stayed at that time at a gentleman’s house in the neighbourhood, but would be glad of another retreat, lest by too long a stay in one place he should be discovered, and proposed to the person he conversed with to take him into his house for some time, which he declined, and so they parted.
A few days after this, the informant who is well affected to the government, which the disaffected do not know his situation in the country, making it absolutely necessary for him to dissemble, meeting accidentally the gentleman in whose house the doctor staid, in the course of the conversation it turned upon the doctor whom the gentleman did not seem to disown he had met with. The Informant expressed some surprise that he had not left the kingdom.
The other said he did not intend to leave it soon, for that he expected before the first of May most his friends would come. That would [take] any risque; rather than leave the country before that period; If at that time they should not arrive here, he [Dr Cameron] despaired of their being able to do anything in favour of the pretender everafter.
The Lord Justice Clerk has given into the General the names of the places and haunts thus discovered, and orders will be immediately dispatched.
He has also engaged the Informant, by the interposition of the person who brought the Information to him, to go into the Highlands, and undercover of buying cattle, to pick up all the Information he can get concerning Arms, or attainted Persons landed and has ordered a little supply of Money to be given to carry the Matter on. And from this scent, tis hoped the surest Information will come out.
N.B. Since this memorandum was drawn up. I have seen a letter from the Highlands, in which one employed by General Churchill, says he conversed with a Cameron who deserted, anno 1745 and is now an officer in the French Service, who told him all their officers were to stay in Scotland, by orders till June or July unless sooner ordered back to France.

Soon after, the agent was dispatched back to the Highlands under the guise of cattle trading, setting the stage for the unfolding drama, and by 21 March 1753, Dr Cameron was captured. The following excerpt will illustrate that it was this unknown informant, and not Glengary, who was responsible for Dr Cameron’s capture:

From Charles Areskine to Thomas Holles the Duke of Newcastle
My Lord Duke, Edinburgh, 26th March, 1753. I had the honour from time to time to transmit to your grace such Information as I received from the Highlands where the emissaries from beyond seas have worked up the disaffected to have strong expectations of powerful assistance to suddenly be sent to them. Among others, I mentioned an Information sent me from a person who had met and conversed not above 10 days before. I revised it with Dr Cameron, brother to the late Lochiel, an attainted person, and one on whom his Majesty’s Enemies greatly rely, and who has been in the Highlands for some months past.

This information pointed out the places where he haunted and the house in which he often resided; and as the apprehending him was manifestly of great consequence for his Majesty’s Service, I immediately applied to General Churchill—communicated the particulars I had learned, and granted a warrant which, with orders and proper instructions, were immediately sent by the General to the officer commanding the Party stationed at Invernaid, who executed his Orders with diligence and Address, and happily found Dr Cameron in the House pointed out to me in the information.

Captain John Craven of Lieutenant George Beauclerk’s Regiment was responsible for capturing Dr Archibald Cameron. On 31 March 1753. Thomas Holles the Duke of Newcastle to Charles Erkskine:

Whitehall, March 30th, 1753. Lord Justice Clerk. My Lord, I received last night by express the favour of your last letter of the 26:th Inst:, with an account, that your Endeavours to apprehend D:r Cameron, had succeeded; And that He was seized, on the 21:st by Captain Craven, of L:d George Beauclerk’s Regiment, close to the house of Stewart of Glen Buckie; and was, when this Letter came away, in Edenburgh Castle. I did not fail, immediately, to lay your L.d ’s Letter before the King, who was extremely well satisfied with the zeal, & attention which you have shewn for his Maj:ty’s Service, upon this Occasion. I write by this opportunity, to Lieut: Gen.l Churchill, from whom I have, likewise, had the same account, to acquaint Him with the King’s entire Approbation of his conduct also, as well as that of the Officers, (and particularly particularly of Cap: Craven) who were employed by Him, in this affair; with which He is directed to acquaint them.
As there is great reason to believe, from the circumstances of Dr Cameron, that he may have it in his Power, to make very material discoveries; and particularly, of the designs, (if there are any) of France, and Prussia; The king has thought proper to give orders, that He should be, immediately brought up to London, to be examined here; and I have his Maj:ty’s commands to send Two messengers with the necessary Warrants, to convey Him, in a secure manner, to London, with the assistance of a proper Guard, which will be appointed by Lieutenant General Churchill. Your Lord will settle with L.t Gen:l Churchill, the method of conveying Cameron safe hither; The most proper seems to be in a coach, with One Messenger, and an Officer and Soldier in the Coach; and a sufficient Party of Soldiers constantly Attending the Coach; and I must desire, that strict Orders may be given, that he may never be left without One Messenger and some Soldiers, being in the room; and at Night sitting up with Him.
I am & a.c
Holles Newcastle.

The Capture of Dr Cameron

After the capture of Dr Archibald Cameron, and following the note received from the Isle of Barra, the government employed the Royal Navy to capture his friends. Who was more perfect for the job, then Captain John Fergussone, a Royal Navy officer, who commanded the H.M.S. Furnace, a floating prison used to detain Jacobite prisoners? Tasked with hunting down Prince Charles and other notable Jacobites following the Battle of Culloden, Fergussone gained a reputation for ruthless efficiency and unwavering resolve, often employing harsh measures such as burning the homes of suspected rebels to suppress uprisings and enforce loyalty.
Fergussone acknowledged that following orders from his superiors often put his life at risk, but he accepted these dangers as part of his duty and remained committed to fulfilling his responsibilities. And in 1753, he had become responsible for carrying out orders to capture the men who had returned to the highlands. The following is an excerpt of a letter written by Fergussone, describing his intricate search of the Islands:

Porcupine at the Collic Stone, 30th March 1753. 
Sir, 
I acquainted you by mine of the 16th instant from McAllister’s Bay of my Proceedings & Informations; and since, I have search’d (and made what inquiry I could) all the Isles of Barra, South & North Uist, the Harris, Long Island, Canna, Egg & Rum, and all the Harbours on the Isle of Skye, and when I could not go with the Sloop have sent my Boats, and find the reports that was spread on the Isle of Mull all groundless; and I dare venture to affirm that no foreign Vessel has touch’d or landed any Men, Arms, Cloaths, or any kind of Warlike Stores in any of the places this year, neither doth the Inhabitants show the least appearance of any expectations that way, but on the contrary are very quiet at present, more so than ever I saw them, neither can I find that there are any Rebels or Foreign officers arrived since my Information in November last, then, there were to the number of thirty who dispersed themselves to different parts of the Country; some of the Brays of Braymar & Cromart in the Shire of Aberdeen, and the rest in Moydart, Knoydart, Ardnamurchan, Arrasar, Morven, to wit, them of most Name are, Doc.r Cameron, Donald Cameron, Donald McDonalds of Loughgeary, & Donald McDonald, second son of Clan Ronald, & has since been join’d by Archibald McDonald, son to the late Barrisdale, with some Recruits, & now are skulking (in arms) about the Brays & Glens of Loughmoiar, for notwithstanding I never mentiond my Information to their Lordships, to any individual person but to Lord Justice Clerk and General Churchill, yet Clan Ronald’s second son was apprised of it, and of my design of apprehending him, which has deter’d him from going near his father’s house eversince, but Skulk’d most of the Winter in the Isles of Canna & Egg. The last time he went over to France, he carried Sixteen Recruits with him, one of which named John Gillie from Canna, & another, Donald McMurach from South Uist, and understand this Winter he engaged several more.

Fergussone wrote a follow up letter on 9 April 1753 describing the escape of the Jacobites skulking in the Isle of Barra. No doubt many similar close calls resulted in Dr Cameron moving into the Highlands. It is as follows:

Porcupine in Greenock Road 9th April 1753.
Sir 
Since my last of the 30th of March, I made a very strict search a shore at the Loughs, Nevis and Nenoa in Knoydark & Arrasack, having had Informations of some of the Gentlemen return’d from France being skulking there, and found it true, but they very narrowly escaped. I was so near to them, they fled, leaving behind them some of their laid cloaths & Hats in the Huts where they were sleeping. They have gather’d together about fifty Villains, some Cow Stealers, the rest Recruits and are actually in Arms & was the Phillowbige; a little before I got into the Highlands.

Archibald McDonald of Barrisdale came down with a party of them to the Number of Twenty to Longhorn, where some Vessels were a fishing for Herrings and demanded a day’s fishing in every week from each of them, during the time they had been there, saying as they fish’d in his seas it was his right & property & swore he would have it or demolish their nets and vessels, therefore were obliged to compound with him.
I dare venture to assure their Lordships there are no landings either of Men or Arms in any part of the Highlands, and these few already mention’d are desperate rogues and outlaws that dare not shew their faces any where else. 

Barra Skulkers

After the capture of Dr Cameron, Fergussone was aware that the men skulking in huts on the Isle of Barra were disheartened and wanted to return to France. The men were constantly watching for approaching French ships that were returning to carry them home. Therefore, Captain Ferguson devised a “scheme” to use a Royal Navy ship, called the H.M.S. Amazon. It was originally a French vessel named Panthère, built in 1744, and captured by the English in 1745. Fergussone reasoned, “the Amazon being a French-built ship will be taken for one as she is not known amongst them”. The plan was for Captain Gardiner to meet Fergussone with the Porcupine off of Loch Nauna, “which is in the harbour all the French ships touched at in 1745”. Fergussone was to be waiting in the Amazon along the Islands on the pretext of fishing. Then they would “make a sham engagement, and the Porcupine to fly as if beat, the others to pursue till such time we judge that the news may have been spread over the country, which commonly flies like lightning, and then the Amazon to return to the Loch under French colours, which I am in hopes would bring some of the principal people out of their lurking places on board”.

Would Fergussone be able to lure the skulking men out from hiding in order to capture them? The following is an excerpt of Fergussone’s plot:

Dr Cameron being taken has put a damp on them, and with the greatest rear and consternation, and I hear they would be glad of any opportunity to get out of the country again, which has put me on a scheme there is a possibility of succeeding in if your Lordship approves of it, which is this. The Amazon being a French-built ship will be taken for one as she is not known amongst them.

Captain Gardner in her to meet me in the Porcupine off of Loch Nanua, which is in the harbour all the French ships touched at in 1745. There to make a sham engagement, and the Porcupine to fly as if beat, the others to pursue till such time we judge that the news may have been spread over the country, which commonly flies like lightning, and then the Amazon to return to the Loch under French colours, which I am in hopes would bring some of the principal people out of their lurking places on board, as the report is so strong of some foreign ships coming over this spring. I have present as wary amongst the islands under pretense of fishing, and if I get any intelligence worth your Lordship’s notice, shall immediately acquaint yours.
I am, my Lord, your most obliged and obedient humble servant, John Ferguson.
14th April 1753, Porcupine at Greenock. 

Doctor Cameron was executed on 7 June 1753, the last of the hangman’s victims. Following the execution of Dr Cameron, Alexander and his brother Angus were set free on bail. The following is a copy of a letter written on 29 June 1753, outlining the details of the bail release:
Whitehall, June 29th, 1753.

Lord Justice Clerk, my Lord, I have received the Favour of your Letter of the fifth Ins.t with a Copy of One from Col. Crawfurd to your Lordship; And, having laid them Both before the King, am commanded to signify to you His Majesty’s Pleasure that you should agreably to Colonel Crawfurd’s Proposal, and for the Reasons set forth in His Letter, immediately give Directions for Setting Cameron, of Glenevis, and his Brother, Angus, at liberty: And I sent Orders by this Express to my Lord Advocate, (as you propose,) To make a thorough Enquiry into the Several Particulars contained in Mr Crawfurd’s letter abovemention’d; and to prosecute John Cameron of Fassie Fern, if he shall find cause for doing so. As to Charles Stewart, your Lordship will take care that he should be treated in the manner suggested by Colonel Crawford, and you will give orders for his discharge at such time as you shall think proper.
                  I am, etc.
             Hollis Newcastle. 

 

Rooting Out of Fassifern

Most of the men involved in the Elibank Plot were captured, with the exception of Lochgarry, James MacDonell, and Young Glengary. Therefore, it appeared that the government was close to ridding the Highlands of the disaffected persons who had arrived from France in 1752. The only outstanding issue was what to do with Cameron of Fassiferen. Therefore, the rooting out of Fassifern became the mindset of Colonel John Crufurd. 
In a letter to the Lord Justice Clerk, in Edinburgh on the 4th of June 1753, Colonel Crufurd explained, “In the first place, you are sure that in all conversations with Glenevis and his brother Angus, they will point out everything in their power for promoting what we ought chiefly to have in view, the rooting out of Fasfern…third, as to examining Fasfern upon facts that we knew him guilty of, is in some measure pointing out where the load of our accusations lies and gives him an opportunity to disprove, which is no difficult matter for one that has so many lock upper consciousness in keeping…”
How did Alexander and Angus assist in rooting out Fassifern? This was done by providing a copy of accounts procured from Young Glengary, and by providing instances of forgery done on behalf of Fassifern. Accordingly, one witness was insufficient to implicate Fassifern in the crime, leading to Charles Stewart’s (Notary Public) imprisonment and coercion into confessing the forgery. The following is an excerpt of Alexander’s testimony that Craufurd zeroed in on to “root out” Fassifern:

Extract of a letter from Alexander Cameron of Glen Nevis to Lieutenant General Churchill at Edinburgh Castle, 9th May 1753.
 I have been also very certainly informed that Fassefern caused Forge several grounds of debt in order to be the foundation of claims upon the estate of Lockael. Some of which were written by Charles Stewart, present prisoner in the castle, and Lochiel’s name was forged by one Alan Cameron of Lodavare, who could write like him. And at the same time there were forged discharges by Lochiel to his tenants for crops 1746 and preceding in order to prevent the government from getting payment of the rent 1746 and preceding arrears. And this some of the tenants have given pretty near to acknowledge to myself, and I believe upon a proper inquiry several of them might be brought to tell the truth upon getting notice of these transactions. I acquainted Colonel Crawford therewith and the truth of them has been acknowledged by Charles Stewart to Colonel Crawford as well verbally as by letter from the Colonel. 
In addition to Glenevis assisting the government in gathering incriminating evidence against Fassifern, he and his brother Angus agreed to assist in the capture of several outlaws. The men were unable to provide the location of where Archibald MacDonnell of Barrisdale had been skulking but undertook to assist with the capture of Kennedy and Sergeant More Cameron. There is much speculation surrounding the identity of who betrayed Cameron, who slept in a barn located on Dunan in Ranoch. Some believe Cameron’s betrayer was the barn owner, while others believe it was the men who slept with him in the barn. However, Colonel John Crufurd credited Angus for assisting the Sergeant’s capture, stating, “In those discoveries, it would be unjust in me not to own the assistance I had from Cameron of Glen Nevis, who has been more steady to his engagements than could be expected from a person of his well-known principles. And late instances shews his resolutions to make good his promises, having at Fort William engaged himself to Lord Bury and me that his brother Angus should answer for the seizing of Sergeant More Cameron at Rannoch, which has lately been affected by his means”. 

While cooperating with the government, an attempt was made on the life of Alexander Cameron of Glenevis. Many doubted this claim, including John Cameron of Fassifern, who wrote that no gunshots were heard on the day in question. However, considering that Glenevis reported the arrival of Dr Cameron and several other men, provided a statement of accounts regarding gold, implicated Fassifern in acts of forgery, led Colonel Crufurd to the location of hidden Jacobite weapons, and revealed the whereabouts of Sergeant More Cameron, one must ask: was he really fabricating these events? The following is a copy of the affidavit from Glenevis, outlining the attack on his life:

I have likewise the honour to Inclose to your Grace, a copy of a petition and affidavit of Cameron of Glen Nevis, setting furth that he was fired at by two people unknown to him. The truth of which, by a letter from Fort William, and the Character of the man, is in my opinion to be doubted. The Lord Justice Clerk, has ordered that the strictest inquiry may be made into the affair, and that all persons against whom any evidence or strong presumptions appear, shall be immediately committed, in which, the assistance of the Troops shall not be wanting; as the Camerons are at present divided into two factions, and that Glen Nevis is at the head of one, and Fassefarn at the head of the other, and that this difference arose from the former being suspected to be useful in the way of intelligence; I do not think the supporting Glen Nevis [which must widen the breach] an unnecessary piece of policy. I have desired the Lieutenant Governor of Fort William to apply for warrants, and to search all such suspected places, as Glen Nevis shall point out for concealed arms, in the most strict and secret manner and that as near as possible to the same time.

After the attempt on Glenevis’ life, the government recognized that Alexander and Angus needed protection. Colonel Crufurd also acknowledged that Angus had been evicted, and arrangements were made for him to be given a farm from one of the confiscated farms. It is noteworthy to include that when Angus was examined on 13 April 1753, he did not provide information against Dr Cameron and the other men, but averted his answers to providing information about the idle gossip of women.

Samuel Cameron Not a Spy

There were additional repercussions caused by Glenevis’ actions, notably the suspicion of Samuel Cameron being a British spy due to his frequent trips to England. Young Glengary clarified that Samuel’s visits to England were actually to see his wife’s family. When Dr Cameron blamed Samuel for his demise, he was correct that the family of Glenevis was to blame, but was confused about which Glenevis brother was involved. Consequently, the wrong Cameron was placed in prison in Listle, France, and held there for seven months. Alexander petitioned for his brother’s release and wrote letters on his behalf to the government, including a letter from Samuel, who was unaware that his predicament stemmed from the actions of his brother. According to newspaper reports, Samuel Cameron was eventually released thanks to the intervention of a nobleman (Glenevis), though he was subsequently banished from France, with the warning that if he returned, he would be shot.
A copy of the petitions made by Glenevis, and a letter written by Samuel Cameron are as follows:

To Col. Watson
Glen Nevis, December 12th, 1753.
Copy.
Sir, I send you herewith a copy of a letter; from a brother of mine; a French officer, who has been in that Country for sixteen years back. You will see the boundless malice of my Enemies, who finding they cannot accomplish their wicked designs against my Person are determined to ruin my Brother for my sake, & for the late Service done the Government in discovering some of their Secret Practices. By which you are sensible how obnoxious I have made myself. Whatever my former attachment may have been, I have now taken the Oaths to his Majesty’s Person and Governments, and am determined to behave as a faithful Subject; and be assured, Sir, it is my Intention to do so since I have no other security against the cruel prosecution of my enemies but for the protection of that very Government. If anything can be done for my brother in Britain, let me beg for your friendly Interposition, and believe me, sir, etc.
Signed Alexander Cameron. Copy of a letter from Captain Cameron to his brother, Cameron of Glen Nevis, dated at Lisle, August 31st, 1753.

 

Dear brother,
The misunderstanding betwixt you & the family of Lochiel is like at last to be my Ruin. The unhappy Sufferer, the late Mr Cameron, has, I am told, left it in his Dying Speech that I was the cause of his sad Exit at London, and the rest of the Camerons here, unanimous to a man, has puff’d their Chief to such a Degree, that nothing, so far as I can see will serve him but my Life. I thank God, I am innocent of what they lay to my charge, & as to the rest of my Principals, they were always such that my Life was at his Service. The only thing that grieves me most is my poor wife, in case anything should happen to me, then I recommend her to you, never to let her want the necessaries of life while you live. The reason I wrote to you since prisoner in London, and above all, a copy of that letter my enemies say is in the Hands of the Governor of Fort William, wherein it’s said that I gave information of Twenty Three Officers of both Scots Regiments, and in particular of the late Mr Cameron, and Loch-Garry, who went to raise new disturbances in the Highlands. From such a base action that the great God may preserve all Honest men. All you can do is to get three or four of the best people in Maryburgh, and beg of the Governor to shew you the letter, if there is none, be so good as get it attested to the said Gentlemen what he tells you. For the Love of God use your Endeavours to discover the betrayers of that unhappy man. I am here in Prison by the Court Orders, nor can I tell you what my fate may be, all that I can assure you of, that I am prepared for the worst. You ought not be dilatory in this affair, if you have any regard for a Brother in distress. Your sister joins me in compliments to you, She came here last night from Dunkirk, but will not get leave to stay with me, My sincere good wishes attends your Lady and Family, and believe me to beDear Brother, &c.Signed Samuel Cameron.

The Weaponization of Division and the Fall of Fassifern

The long-term government objective in the Highlands was not merely to maintain peace, but to strategically “root out” the surviving power structure of the Jacobite clans by destroying the authority vested in figures like John Cameron of Fassifern. This was achieved through a policy of divide and conquer, masterfully orchestrated by officials like General Churchill and Colonel Crufurd.

The central pillar of this strategy was the psychological coercion of Alexander Cameron of Glenevis. Despised by his clan members for his perceived submission—and simultaneously manipulated by Crufurd, who sowed seeds of doubt regarding a betrayal by Glengary—Glenevis sought the government’s protection, actively “qualifying” as a state informant around 1752.
Glenevis’ cooperation was the key factor in crippling the subsequent Jacobite movements. His immediate report on the arrival of Dr Cameron, Lochgarry, and their associates in the Highlands in the fall of 1752—the precursors to the Elibank Plot—crippled the plot before it could gather momentum. Furthermore, Glenevis provided the definitive intelligence used to prosecute and subsequently banish Fassifern, thereby achieving the government’s goal of “destroying the power of the chief” and ensuring the Clan Cameron could never again “unite to act against His Majesty’s government”.
Though Dr Archibald Cameron was eventually captured due to an entirely different, chance encounter with an anonymous agent in March 1753, it was the earlier, systematic intelligence provided by Glenevis that provided the framework for the government’s relentless pursuit, confirming his tragic but pivotal role as the coerced informant whose actions ultimately fractured the Jacobite command structure.If you enjoyed reading this excerpt, please support the author by purchasing an e-book, entitled, The Spy of the Highlands, by C. L. Savage, material in this article was copyrighted 2026.